The final distinctive element in the
branch method is that the comparisons, together with the policy choice, proceed
in a chronological series. Policy is not made once and for all; it is made and
re-made endlessly. Policy-making is a process of successive approximation to
some desired objectives in which what is desired itself continues to change under
reconsideration.
Making policy is at best a very rough
process. Neither social scientists, nor politicians, nor public administrators
yet know enough about the social world to avoid repeated error in predicting
the consequences of policy moves. A wise policy-maker consequently expects that
his policies will achieve only part of what he hopes and at the same time will
produce unanticipated consequences he would have preferred to avoid. If he
proceeds through a succession of incremental changes, he avoids serious lasting
mistakes in several ways.
In the first place, past sequences of
policy steps have given him knowledge about the probable consequences of
further similar steps. Second, he need not attempt big jumps toward his goals
that would require predictions beyond his or anyone else's knowledge, because
he never expects his policy to be a final resolution of a problem. His decision
is only one step, one that if successful can quickly be followed by another.
Third, he is in effect able to test his previous predictions as he moves on to
each further step. Lastly, he often can remedy a past error fairly quickly —
more quickly than if policy proceeded through more distinct steps widely spaced
in time.
Compare this comparative analysis of
incremental changes with the aspiration to employ theory in the root method.
Man cannot think without classifying, without subsuming one experience under a
more general category of experiences. The attempt to push categorization as far
as possible and to find general propositions which can be applied to specific
situations is what I refer to with the word ' theory '. Where root analysis
often leans heavily on theory in this sense, the branch method does not.
The assumption of root analysts is
that theory is the most systematic and economical way to bring relevant
knowledge to bear on a specific problem. Granting the assumption, an unhappy
fact is that we do not have adequate theory to apply to problems in any policy
area, although theory is more adequate in some areas — monetary policy, for
example — than in others. Comparative analysis, as in the branch method, is
sometimes a systematic alternative to theory.
Suppose an administrator must choose
among a small group of policies that differ only incrementally from each other
and from present policy. He might aspire to 'understand' each of the
alternatives — for example, to know all the consequences of each aspect of each
policy. If so, he would indeed require theory. In fact, however, he would
usually decide that, for policy-making purposes, he need know, as explained
above, only the consequences of each of those aspects of the policies in which
they differed from one another. For this much more modest aspiration, he
requires no theory (although it might be helpful, if available), for he can
proceed to isolate probable differences by examining the differences in
consequences associated with past differences in policies, a feasible program
because he can take his observations from a long sequence of incremental
changes.
For example, without a more
comprehensive social theory about juvenile delinquency than scholars have yet
produced, one cannot possibly understand the ways in which a variety of public
policies — say on education, housing, recreation, employment, race relations,
and policing — might encourage or discourage delinquency. And one needs such an
understanding if he undertakes the comprehensive overview of the problem
prescribed in the models of the root method. If, however, one merely wants to
mobilize knowledge sufficient to assist in a choice among a small group of
similar policies — alternative policies on juvenile court procedures, for
example — he can do so by comparative analysis of the results of similar past
policy moves.
Theorists and Practitioners
This difference explains — in some
cases at least — why the administrator often feels that the outside expert or
academic problem-solver is sometimes not helpful and why they in turn often
urge more theory on him. And it explains why an administrator often feels more
confident when 'flying by the seat of his pants' than when following the advice
of theorists. Theorists often ask the administrator to go the long way round to
the solution of his problems, in effect ask him to follow the best canons of
the scientific method, when the administrator knows that the best available
theory will work less well than more modest incremental comparisons. Theorists
do not realize that the administrator is often in fact practicing a systematic
method. It would be foolish to push this explanation too far, for sometimes
practical decision-makers are pursuing neither a theoretical approach nor
successive comparisons, nor any other systematic method.
It may be worth emphasizing that
theory is sometimes of extremely limited helpfulness in policy-making for at
least two rather different reasons. It is greedy for facts; it can be
constructed only through a great collection of observations. And it is
typically insufficiently precise for application to a policy process that moves
through small changes. In contrast, the comparative method both economizes on
the need for facts and directs the analyst's attention to just those facts that
are relevant to the fine choices faced by the decision-maker.
With respect to precision of theory,
economic theory serves as an example. It predicts that an economy without money
or prices would in certain specified ways misallocate resources, but this
finding pertains to an alternative far removed from the kind of policies on
which administrators need help. On the other hand, it is not precise enough to
predict the consequences of policies restricting business mergers, and this is
the kind of issue on which the administrators need help. Only in relatively
restricted areas does economic theory achieve sufficient precision to go far in
resolving policy questions; its helpfulness in policy-making is always so
limited that it requires supplementation through comparative analysis.
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